The top one per cent of fortunes holds two-fifths of the total wealth.
These likenesses are not due to the specific character of both states, rather there is a common pattern in the development of every powerful state and the U.
In foreign policy both states, despite their remoteness in time, share a common approach and direction. The Americans began their path to greatness breaking their ties with the British Crown and building a republic.
Romans did the same with the expulsion of the Etruscan dynasty of Tarquins. The Etruscans, like the British for the Americans, were the people who gave culture and direction of the early Rome. After the expulsion of the kings, which happened about years after the supposed foundation of Rome, Brutus, the chief organizer of the revolt, announced the creation of Roman republic and proclaimed the beloved Roman freedom BC.
Like in America, where liberty is the highest national ideal, freedom became the highest ideal of Rome and her long lasting disdain toward despotism was used with great skill to excuse or assert many political decisions at home and abroad.
In Rome, all political battles were waged in the name of liberty, abroad all military campaigns were under the flag of liberation and justice. The rise of Rome to power The rise of Rome as a great imperial power was slow and unsure. Its expansion was not premeditated.
The Romans were energetic and active people; they won and lost battles, but never wars. They made alliances with friendly people or destroyed the cities of their foes, but for centuries, they did not have the consciousness that they are becoming an imperial power.
Gradually they submitted central and southern Italy and created a system of alliances with the Latins and other peoples throughout the peninsula.
As the Roman historians argue, for a long time the Romans sincerely believed that their foreign policy is just and defensive, never offensive. They did not think themselves as invaders or conquerors. Like the early history of the American state, they glued the independent parts of Italy in a federal whole, sometimes with the power of sword and sometimes with the might of word.
This "federal" union, called initially the Italian League, kept the composing parts relatively independent in their domestic affairs, but in foreign policy, all in the union were dependent on Rome's decisions.
Rome became the summit and the center of the League. The Italian League and Roman system of Alliances Romans were extremely efficient in their foreign policy.
They often entered into a war in defence of particular nation in most cases they were asked for helpbut surely, this was not an altruistic impulse. The fact that the Romans had not lost a war shows that they carefully counted their interests and opportunities.
Once "liberated" the nations were obliged to go into alliance with them, and only with them. Roman allies had no right to follow their own foreign policy.
In their domestic affairs, they were relatively free, but their friends in Rome checked their every step in the domain of foreign policy.
In Italy, the closest to Rome nations received the right to become Roman citizens, to make business and to get married with Romans. They were accommodated and assimilated. Others, living farther from Rome, or with different culture, or not deserving to be trusted, received the right to have domestic freedom, but they did not enjoy the rights of the closest friends of Rome, the citizenship was barred for them.
At that time, the Greek city-states had generally more democratic political systems, while the Carthaginian political regime was more despotic than the aristocratic rule in Rome. Carthage, who dominated western Mediterranean, Sicily and the western coast of Africa, realized that Rome is enough strong to pose threat to its interests.
A narrow strait divided the affluent Sicily from Italy and it was a matter of time the two powers to go into a conflict.
Now, with America no longer perceived as invulnerable, engaged in protracted fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan, and suffering the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, comparisons are to the bloated, decadent, ineffectual later Empire.
In Why America Is Not a New Rome, Vaclav Smil looks at these comparisons in detail, going deeper than the facile analogy-making of talk shows and glossy magazine articlesDespite this complexity, our historical research on Rome, England, France, Russia and now the US shows that these complex interactions add up to a general rhythm.
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The Revolution began in , and America was ready for change, freedom, and a disconnection with Great Britain. Dec 26, · Anthony Everitt's Rise of Rome is fascinating history and a great read.
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