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In literature and film especially, politics is practically inescapable. The real question is whether art is made secondary to politics in the process.
Good art will stand or fall on its own merits, whether or not it conveys a political message. But the effectiveness of pop culture at conveying that message exists in inverse proportion to its dependence on that message for success.
In other words, the more overtly we try to convey our political message through pop culture, the more our art will suffer. At least in pop culture, the culture war has been itself subsumed by a higher calling.
Even as they slug it out over the nature of American culture liberals and conservatives are more and more determined by the same cultural conditions. No wonder both sides, hamstrung and helpless, scream so loud—though the tired old charge that culture is sneakily or conspiratorially liberal is the most foolishly abrasive of all.
Instead of carving out new ground, conservative pop culture reacts to real or perceived liberal bias as though it were an existential threat. Sure, there are some overtly political and preachy shows out there.
But most left-leaning television is more subtle and complicates its liberalism with nods to the free market or other issues commonly associated with the right.
Its message about the important role of government never takes precedence over its themes of friendship and community. And its treatment of nonliberal voices is handled with a surprising level of respect: Indeed, Swanson may be the most endearing libertarian character ever to have graced television screens.
The phrase RINO is thrown about plenty on the right. Republican-in-name-only is used to box out insufficiently conservative Republicans. To be a conservative in modern America is to be something of a paradox.
Patriotism and the notion of American exceptionalism are wound close to the heart of the modern conservative movement. In pop culture, perhaps only Nashville conveys these ideals with the same fervor as conservatives themselves.
But conservatism is just as concerned with American decline as it is with American greatness. Poulos is not alone in his worries over a Pink Police State: Rather than exploring this paradox and what it says about life as a contemporary American, too often conservative pop culture attempts to do what conservative talk radio does best: This is a fine strategy for talk radio or electioneering, but blame is a blunt instrument when it comes to pop culture.
No art can survive this sort of thematic inquisition. Indeed, these days liberals are often better at artfully inserting conservative messages into pop culture than conservatives themselves.The correlations between the profiles of means of referents common to pairs of samples were mostly substantial (average r's of for conservative referents and for liberal referents.
This timely collection sheds light on some of the key expressions of Australian liberalism and conservatism. David Kemp examines the relationship between liberal and conservative political thinking and the growth of government in Australia.
conservatism increases with the intensity of lending relationship. Second, the relationship between the loan spread and accounting conservatism is more negative when the lending.
(Liberalism, p. 85) 85) No matter how much or how little we may know about the workings of capitalism, we cannot help admiring it for its enduring and resilient qualities. To understand these differences is to see how classical liberalism offers a completely different view of social and economic organization, a perspective that departs radically from the views of both right and left, as those terms are understood in contemporary political language.
Let's . Where the liberal state fails to crack down on these differences, it runs the existential risk of being overthrown by those who hold to different political theologies. Introduction to Post-Modern Conservatism. Many, including myself, would interpret Schmitt’s arguments as being too totalizing and too bleak.